65
Reich chancellery
REICHSKANZLER ADOLF HITLER SAT at his new desk in his spacious new office, the swastika banner dominating the wall behind him, the Nazi flag next to that of the Weimar Republic.
With him was Hermann Goring, now the president of the parliament, Martin Bormann, Joseph Goebbels, and Ernst Rohm, the head of the SA, the Nazi paramilitary unit.
Rohm, a stocky man with a crew cut, had been part of the military his entire life and had helped build Hitler’s storm troopers into a million soldiers, a feared band of mercenaries who targeted Jews and Communists on the streets of German cities.
“They merely tolerate me.” Hitler sneered. “Von Hindenburg, von Papen, the cabinet—they can barely hide their disdain. As if those simple inbreds are the superior minds.”
“That dynamic will change soon enough,” said Goebbels.
Hitler nodded. “And thus the purpose of this meeting. Martin, the decree?”
Bormann, who had become Hitler’s personal secretary as his influence grew within the inner circle, handed Hitler a chancellery decree that deputized members of the SS, led by Heinrich Himmler, and members of the SA, run by Ernst Rohm, as members of the auxiliary police.
“There, Ernst.” Hitler signed the decree. “The SA now has the powers you wanted. That puts us in position to implement the plan.”
By the stroke of his signature, Hitler had just bestowed upon the brownshirts and his personal protection unit the equivalent of police powers throughout all of Germany.
“Thank you, mein Führer.” Rohm, as always, sat erect as a statue.
“So that brings us to the plan, to the—what are we calling it?—the moment of ‘national crisis.’ When will this happen, Hermann?”
“Sunday, mein Führer,” said Goring. “We are ready.”
“And Ernst, how many of your men will be involved?”
“Three, mein Führer,” said Rohm. “Three of our men, and then the Communist immigrant.”
“Yes, yes.” Hitler sat back in his chair. “Tell me about this man.”
“A Dutch immigrant,” said Goring. “A bricklayer, currently unemployed, due to an accident. A simple man. He does not appear to be completely of sound mind. But most importantly, an avowed, documented Communist. He is perfect.”
Hitler looked at Rohm. “I am placing great faith in your choice of men, Ernst.”
“My men are loyal and reliable, mein Führer. I take full responsibility for them.”
Goebbels leaned forward. “Perhaps this is as much detail as you care to have, mein Führer?”
“Yes.” Hitler nodded. “Yes, yes. And this will happen on Sunday?”
“Yes,” said Goebbels. “You will dine at my flat. There will be others there, as well. Reliable individuals who are not affiliated with us politically. They will be witness to our expressions of great shock and horror when I receive the news of the national crisis by phone.”
“Yes, witnesses will be critical. We must be very surprised when it happens. In disbelief, even.” Hitler stood, and thus did everyone else.
“Gentlemen, our putsch failed nearly ten years ago due to a failure of execution and a failure of will. That cannot happen this Sunday. If our national crisis goes as planned, everything we have fought for will come to fruition. If it does not, then many of the people in this office will go to prison.”